This section lists my ongoing research projects leading to both scholarly publications and public/digital history outputs. For my published research see the “Publications” and “Public History” sections.
Breaking the News: Portugal’s Colonialist Lobbying and Propaganda in the United States, 1961-63
When the anti-colonialist John F. Kennedy became the U. S. President in 1961, Portugal-US relations entered one of its most acrimonious periods in recent history. That year, dictator António Salazar faced the most difficult period in his 36-year rule over Portugal, including a series of high-profile revolutionary actions from the emboldened democratic opposition; the annexation of Portuguese territories in India by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru; and the outbreak of the Colonial Wars in Angola, later spreading to Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea. During this period, the Estado Novo dictatorship invested a great amount of resources towards shaping American public opinion into accepting Portugal’s “historical rights” in Africa, and its colonial wars as “a fight against Soviet imperialism.” Through indirect means, the Lisbon regime unleashed a large propaganda campaign in the U.S. by hiring American public relations firms, subsidizing influential American media outlets and reporters, and recruiting Portuguese-American lobbyists. In 1962, the Manhattan-based firm Selvage & Lee and its subsidiary Portuguese-American Committee on Foreign Affairs were able to persuade twelve Republican and Democratic congressmen – some representing districts with large Portuguese populations – to publicly criticize the U.S. State Department’s anti-colonialist policy towards the Portuguese empire. These lobbyists were later found to have received direct instructions and logistic support from Portuguese diplomats, in direct contravention with international regulations regarding the non-intervention of foreign officers in American domestic politics.
Toronto the Bad: a history of (un)civil disobedience in the city
This research project emerged out of an assignment that I gave my students in HIST4530 Development of Toronto, a fourth-year undergraduate course that I have though at York University since the Fall of 2016. Altogether, we were able to find over ninety “riots,” big and small, throughout the city’s history. This very high number contradicts the idea of a peaceful and dull “Toronto the Good,” and of Canada as a land of peace, order, and good governance, where differences have been negotiated through compromise, unlike our southern neighbours. Race, religion, politics, labour-management relations, social inequality, youth rebelliousness, have been the most common factors triggering these short outburst of violence. In all of them, Toronto’s police forces have played a central role as “law and order” enforcers, but also as instigators or enablers. Toronto’s riot history is an important thread for weaving the story of its police forces, political rulers, inter-ethnic/racial relations, religious communities, and other significant historical agents. I have created a digital map and timeline with my ongoing research (a work in progress), which can be found here.
The Blood of the Fallen: War Memory, Ethnic Nationalism, and the Portuguese-American Veterans, 1930s-2000s
War memory is an integral part of most national narratives, where military sacrifice is often considered indisputable proof of an individual’s devotion to his or her country. In a social, political, and economic culture that is heavily predicated on the pursuit of individual self-interest, war and the military occupy a pivotal place in American psyche, by allowing the cathartic expression of the otherwise unexpected communitarian values of fraternity and self-sacrifice. The celebration of dead combatants by the state is a process akin to secular canonization, one that is all the more powerful when the individual is stripped of his or her identity and becomes an ideological archetype. As Benedict Anderson noted, “No more arresting emblems of the modern culture of nationalism exist than cenotaphs and tombs of Unknown Soldiers… Yet void as these tombs are of identifiable mortal remains or immortal souls, they are nonetheless saturated with ghostly national imaginings.” Contrary to the national norm, ethnic leaders sometimes go to considerable lengths to (re)claim the ethnic identities of these homogenized national warriors, hoping the blood of their fallen ethnic peers can testify to their group’s full membership in the national community and put nativist fears of dual-loyalty to rest. This, however, is a departure from the official war memorialization sanctioned by the state, as it separates the particular from the whole.